多年来，人们一直在谈论“第三股力量”可从根本上改变马来西亚政治和政府的性质。这崇高的目标包括加强团结、机会和社会经济成长，同时避免种族、宗教和地理分化。尽管这些原则得到了一些支持，而建立新政党的尝试时有发生，然而来了又去，以种族为基础的西马半岛主导政党的地位完好无损且不受挑战。
马来西亚竞争力在本区域逐渐滑落。经济的发展并没有为未来做好结构建设，人民的福祉正在恶化。这些都是不可否认的事实，来自各族群和朝野的大多数人都会认同。
政府需以民为主，具有为人民服务的明确意图，并以把马来西亚变为一个让所有公民都感到自豪的具有包容和凝聚力的国家愿景为动力。
这种局面最有可能来自东马的政治领导，他们已经展示了超越种族和宗教分歧的能力。东马领袖可以带领新一代年轻领导人变革，为政策制定提供新思路。
沙巴和砂拉越的政治领袖长期以来所秉持的执政理念与马来西亚人在西马半岛所经历的截然不同。前砂拉越首长阿德南为马来西亚新团结模式展示了的模范，不幸的是，他因过早去世而未能完成使命。
东马人民拥有一种进步的民族主义意识，而西马人却因其他叙事而失去了这种意识。这些叙述永远造成分裂和倒退。
沙巴和砂拉越的许多人有著爱国意识，这种意识经历过种种考验，如马来西亚协议的落实，马来西亚联邦三个组成邦之间的不平等关系，东马在预算和发展拨款中遭忽视，以及来自在联合政府中占主导地位的西马半岛政党的其他种种歧视。
坦白说，现在是时候把目光投向东马的沙巴和砂拉越，尤其西马半岛占主导地位的政治人物不要再忽视马来西亚另一半正在发生的事情。现在是时候采纳东马的原则并将其纳入在为所有马来西亚人服务的政府和行政单位。
未来走向
东马政治领导层可以团结马来西亚走向成熟和带来新希望。这并不是低估了将面对的挑战，因为沙巴和砂拉越的社会、经济和政治也是多元化的。然而，这两个地区有足够的共同点，让人们重新审视马来西亚应该走向何方。这可以从第16届大选开始。
推动和实现这局面有两种基本策略。
1.在西马半岛、沙巴和砂拉越与当地公民、社运人士和政治人物一起发起一场改变的运动。
2.与联盟中的现有政党合作（从中主导联合政府）。这意味著东马政党在西马半岛合作伙伴支持下，在下届大选后成为议会中最大的政党并领导新政府。
东马政党如作为一个集团，确实很有可能在下一届大选后成为国会中最大的党派。因此，东马集团不仅可在下次选举中成为造王者，更可以取而代之，成为主导政党。
除了是前国阵政府和现任团结政府的既定合作伙伴之外，东马的砂拉越政党联盟和沙巴人民联盟（GRS）等联盟如果持续互动并结盟，以东马统一阵线形式为下届大选做准备，他们将可取得更好表现。
这样局面下，如果未来希盟和巫统的谈判破裂，东马集团依然可继续推动包容性政策，包括马来西亚协议下的政策，从而成为政治稳定和正面的因素，尤其在第16届大选后可能出现分裂的政治格局。
东马共有56个国席，而且在选区重新划分下，可能会增加席位，砂拉越政党联盟和沙巴人民联盟可至少保住30个席位，甚至有能力增加更多席位。如果选区划分后东马的国席扩大到议会总数的1/3或一半，这将大大增加东马在国家未来话语权的权重。
显然，东马国会议员在涉及种族和宗教课题时更有勇气。相较之下，半岛政党要么过于情绪化和只以经济考量，要么只是试图透过将事态和问题推向极端来捞取政治利益。
比如只允许使用马来文与政府部门沟通的政策，在砂拉越就立即被砂总理阿邦佐否决。同样，统考自2014年起就被砂拉越政府承认，这在半岛仍然是一个充满争议课题。除此之外，来自砂拉越部长张庆信在提出其他非穆斯林议员不敢谈论的问题时，能经常站稳立场。
西马半岛小党派
纵观当今政局，西马半岛的主流政党已固化，难以改变。尤其当改革让位给了妥协和权力掮客，以换取更大的政治权力蛋糕。
既然如此，西马半岛的小党派也应该与民兴党等婆罗洲党派结盟。虽然民兴党进军半岛的尝试，在上届大选中以失败告终，但如果民兴党与半岛所有小政党，如社会主义党PSM、人民党、大马民主联合阵线、独立行动、进步党和绿党之间保持沟通，那将是有益的。这可以成为未来与其他联盟进行策略性接触的基础。
一些独立观察员预测，下一届大选后很可能会出现悬浮议会。如果发生这种情况，现有的党派有机会与东马集团重新结盟，这可能不仅仅是一个新的联合政府。这个由东马各党派领导，包括西马政党在内的联盟，可以重新点燃改革并带来一种新型的政治。
来自各族群的马来西亚人都厌倦了过去旧模式的政治争论，第16届全国大选是纠正这个问题的时机。如果要推动现有的团结政府朝向正确的方向，那么只有东马集团团结起来并向西马“施压”才能实现。
我们相信许多选民会同意上述建议。我们也了解，有些人会认为这是不可能的，或会嘲笑东马政党集团领导未来联盟的想法。一些学者或专家可能会驳回或忽视上述主张，但他们能提出更好的选择吗？
我国迫切需要新的团结模式。这可以通过第16届大选的结果来塑造，东马可以成为改变的催化剂。
●本文为作者与穆雷亨特和Carolyn Khor合著
林德宜《东马能否改变第16届大选格局》原文：Can the East Wind Be A Game changer In GE16
For years there has been talk of a ‘third force’ to radically change the nature of politics and government in Malaysia. The noble objectives included unity, opportunity and socio - economic growth, while avoiding race, religious, and geographical divisions. Although these principles have some support, attempts of launching new parties have come and gone, leaving the race-based Semenanjung dominant party status quo intact and unchallenged.
Malaysia is losing its competitive position in the region. The economy is not evolving in a way to structurally prepare for the future, and the wellbeing of the Rakyat is deteriorating. These are undeniable truths which the majority of Malaysians from all races and sides of the political divide are in agreement.
The government needs to be run by people, with a clear intent of being for the people, and driven by a vision of a Malaysia that has an inclusive and cohesive nationhood that all citizens will be proud of.
This emergence can come from the political leadership of East Malaysia, who have shown they are capable of transcending the race and religion divide. East Malaysian leadership can lead the change towards a new generation of younger leaders, with new ideas for policy development.
The political leaders of Sabah and Sarawak have long governed with philosophies very different from what Malaysians have experienced in Semenanjung. Adenan Satem stands out as the role model for a new united Malaysia but unfortunately he was not able to complete his mission with his early demise.
The East Malaysian people have a sense of progressive nationalism that others in Semenanjung have lost to other narratives. These narratives are perpetually causing division and regression.
Many in Sabah and Sarawak also have a sense of patriotism which has withstood the test of MA63, the unequal relationship of the three component states of the federation, their status as stepchildren in budget and development allocations, and the numerous other ways in which they have been discriminated against by Semenanjung dominant coalition governments.
Frankly, it’s time to look east to Sabah and Sarawak and for the Semananjung dominant political pundits to stop ignoring what is happening in the other half of Malaysia. It is time to take their principles and incorporate them into an administration and government that governs for all Malaysians.
The East Malaysian political leadership can unite Malaysia towards maturity and new hope. This is not to underestimate the challenge as society, economics, and politics of Sabah and Sarawak are also diverse. However, both territories have enough in common to provide a fresh look at where Malaysia should go. And this can begin with GE16.
There are two basic strategies for this possibility to be rolled out and achieved.
1. Create a movement in Semenanjung and Sabah and Sarawak with local citizens, activists, and politicians.
2. Work with a block of existing parties in a coalition (a reverse takeover of the unity government). This would mean East Malaysia parties with Semenanjung partners becoming the largest block in parliament after the next election and leading a new government.
It is indeed very possible for East Malaysia as a block to be the largest grouping in the next sitting parliament after the GE. The East Malaysian bloc will not just be the kingmaker in the next election, it can take the leadership.
Besides being established partners of past BN governments and the present Unity Government, coalitions such as GPS and GRS would fare even better if they continue to engage and form alliances with one another to present themselves as a united East Malaysian front in preparation for the next election.
This is so that, in the event, talks between PH and UMNO break down in the future, the East Malaysian bloc may continue to push for inclusive policies, including MA63 and other policies, and in doing so, become the stabilising and positive factor in the fractured political landscape that is likely to emerge after GE16.
With 56 seats up for grabs in the next election, and perhaps more seats after the delineation exercise, GPS and GRS may safely hold at least 30 seats and may even be in a position to add more. Should the delineation exercise result in expanding East Malaysia’s parliamentary representation to one third or half of the total parliament seats, this will greatly increase East Malaysia’s weight in the country’s future.
It is evident that East Malaysian MPs have more courage when it comes to matters related to racial and religious issues. In contrast, Semenanjung parties are either too emotionally and financially invested to think straight or are just trying to score political points by fanning matters and issues to the extreme. The issue of using Bahaa for communication with government departments was promptly shot down by Sarawak Premier Abang Jo. Similarly, the UEC has been accepted by the Sarawak government since 2014, whereas this remains a contentious matter in the peninsula. Other than that, Tiong King Sing regularly stands his ground when he broaches issues that no other non-Muslim MPs dare to talk about.
Looking at the political situation today, Semenanjung parties are all established and have little room left for improvement. This is especially the case, ever since reforms have taken a backseat to compromises and power-brokering, and procuring a larger slice of the political cake.
That being the case, smaller parties on the Peninsula should also form alliances with Borneo parties such as Warisan. Although Warisan’s attempt to enter the peninsula fizzled out during the last election, it would be beneficial if there is communication between Warisan and all the smaller parties of the peninsula, such as PSM, PRM, Muda, Gerak Independent, Parti Kemajuan Malaysia and the Green Party. This can be the foundation for strategically engaging other coalitions further down the road.
Some independent observers are forecasting that there will most likely be a hung parliament after the next GE. Should this happen, there is opportunity for existing blocks to realign with a East Malaysian grouping leading to potentially more than a new coalition government. This block, led by East Malaysia parties and including parties based in the Semenanjung, can reignite reformasi and lead to a new type of politics.
Malaysians from all communities are sick and tired of the same-old polemics of the past, and GE16 is the time to get it right. If the existing Unity Government needs a push in the right direction, it can only be achievable if the East Malaysian bloc unites and 'serbu' (charges into) West Malaysia.
We are confident that many voters will agree with the above premise. We recognise that some will see it as improbable or will scoff at the idea of an East Malaysian party bloc leading a future coalition. The pundits may dismiss or disregard the above proposition, but can they present a better alternative?
There is an urgent need for a new unity in the country. This can be shaped by the outcome of GE16. The east wind can be the transformative catalyst.
●co-written with Murray Hunter and Carolyn Khor
