这是纪念赵明福逝世14周年纪念系列文章的第二部分。本文主要探讨马来西亚人为何及如何反击，那股深藏在体制内横行运作的暗势力。
首先，必须强调的是，体制内的暗势力并不容易被查明或识别。这除了缺乏包括定义在内的明确性外——也因在不同国家有著不同形式─—在马来西亚，体制内暗势力，可以类似古希腊神话中，头被斩去后会复生的九头蛇，具有多个面向和目标，有时可能看起来表面上的领导，有著不同的目标和不同的策略，但实际上都可追溯到“马来人至上”和当下越来越多“伊斯兰教至上”的同一个源头。
体制内的暗势力最关注的重点在于如何把马来西亚打造成一个单元族群的国家。这可从他们成功不断挑起，513的课题、马来人困境、社会契约建构、马来人和伊斯兰教至上课题、语言、教育和其他“外来者”的威胁问题等，显而易见。他们利用这些课题来制造马来社会的不安气氛，进而影响和支配马来人的政治意识。
这股体制内暗势力，最近成功的政治动作，就是阻止马来西亚签署《消除一切形式种族歧视国际公约》，使我们成为尚未签署或批准《消除一切形式种族歧视国际公约》的14个国家之一。 在全球197个国家中，有179个国家批准、加入或同意受《消除一切形式种族歧视国际公约》约束。
这股体制内的暗势力和支持者在追求打造一个单元族群的国家过程中，会带来怎样的恶果，是无人可预见的。
来自砂拉越的政治领袖尤索夫阿都拉曼就忧心忡忡的警告说：“马来精英将不惜一切代价保住其权力，以便保住或增加他们的财富和影响力，即使这意味著制造种族和宗教冲突。他们已失去了道德。封建主义和封建思想只是他们的另一个工具”
政治变革能否带来改变
正如希盟在第14届大选和第15届大选的胜利表明了，民众可通过选票带来政治变革。
但光有政治变革是不够的，如果思维、政策和行动上没有随之改变，这可能最终沦为进一步，退两步，尤其政治领导人，特别是当下那一些声名狼藉者，直接或间接地鼓舞著体制内的暗势力。
因此，国人可采取以下的一些建议，以让国家回归平等、公正和守法社会的根源，从而使赵明福、乔舒亚牧师、其妻子露芙、许景城牧师和社运份子安里仄末的案件看到正义获得伸张。
1.把马来人和伊斯兰至上主义课题置于公众意识和讨论的最前沿。没有任何方面应被视为禁忌或不当的质询，这包括公务员体系和司法部门的运作和行为。
2.鼓励民众需积极主动公开挑战种族主义和反民主侵犯文化，并讨论如何在自己领域内扮演好角色。尤其社交媒体上的交锋日益关键。
3.至少有五个重要群体，可以对单元族群统治政治和体制内暗势力，以及相关的种族主义问题发声，并提出反击见解。这些组织为：
‧宗教机构可唤起其信徒拒绝种族主义的意识
‧学术界可揭露意图打造或延续一族统治的政策、实践、法律和制度结构
‧平面和网络媒体通过无畏的新闻报导和独立分析揭露这些事件
‧智库应识别出民族民粹主义和民族至上主义的意识形态和思想家，并反击他们的政见
‧公民社会组织应表态拒绝种族性的政策和计划，并宣扬多元族群包容性社会
4.在下一届全国大选之前，关心此事的民众应向主要政党施压，要求其表明对马来人和伊斯兰至上主义的立场。同时，也应该要求各政党在竞选宣言中表明对制度性种族主义和宗教至上的立场，以及如何应对这些问题的措施。无可否认，民生课题以及经济问题是选民最关心的问题，但马来西亚人的福利和福祉也与非经济问题和发展直接相关。
隧道尽头之光
最终，如果要保障这国家的多元种族、宗教的包容性，以及法治和民主规范，多方就必须齐头并进联手反击体制的暗势力、推动单元一族统治和打造伊斯兰国的势力。
显然，我们的未来取决于年轻一代。但前提在于年轻一代必须能够摆脱过去一直来充满了欺骗、谎言、诡计和机会主义的政治传统；这些政治模式依然横行。
这也是为何赵明福民主基金会联合其他组织，致力于寻找乔舒亚牧师、其妻子露芙、许景城牧师和社运份子安里仄末“失踪”案真相的努力是值得赞赏的，而其他反抗压迫和不公正的组织也可以有所做为。这些努力绝不能停止。
本文为纪念赵明福逝世14周年的“回顾民主路.书写赵明福”系列文章，由赵明福民主基金会组稿。
林德宜《反击暗势力》原文：Fighting Back Against the Deep State
This is the second part of an article remembering Teoh Beng Hock on the 14 anniversary of his untimely death. It explores why Malaysians need to fight back against the deep state that continues to operate relatively unchecked and how this can be done.
Firstly, it must be emphasised that the deep state is not easily pinpointed or identifiable. Despite lacking clarity including definitional - this arises from its different permutations in countries around the world - the deep state in Malaysia can is similar to an extra legal hydra with multiple points of outreach and goals, and what may sometimes appear to be opposing leadership with outwardly divergent aims and different strategies, but which in reality stems from the same genus of "ketuanan Melayu" and increasingly now, “ketuanan Islam”.
Many of the deep state's concerns and preoccupations are focused on the establishment of an ethnocratic state. It can be seen to have met with success as evidenced by the numerous spectres, apparitions and other visitations of 13 May, the Malay dilemma, the social contract construct, ketuanan Melayu and ketuanan Islam issues, language, education and other ‘pendatang’ threat issues taken up to spook the nation as well as hold sway over and dominate Malay political consciousness.
The latest political success of the deep state has been to prevent Malaysia from ratifying ICERD making us one of 14 countries that has not signed or ratified ICERD. Out of 197 countries, 179 countries have ratified, acceded or agreed to be bound by the ICERD.
What can bring about the dismantling of the ethnocratic state that deep state forces and supporters have as their end mission is not easy or clear.
Concerned Sarawakian politician Yusuf Abdul Rahman warns that
“The Malay elites will do anything to stay in power & to maintain/increase their wealth & positions of influence, even if it means creating racial & religious strife. They have absolutely no conscience. Feudalism & feudal thinking is just another tool to them”
Can Political Change Take On the Deep State
Political change through the ballot box is possible as shown by Pakatan Harapan wins in GE14 and since GE15.
But political change alone is not enough if not accompanied by a change in mindsets and policies and practices, It could also be one step forward, and two backward as political leaders, especially discredited ones today directly or indirectly encourage the deep state
The following are some suggestions which concerned Malaysians will need to take up to return the nation to its roots of an equal, just and law-abiding society and so that the cases of Teoh Beng Hock, Joshua Hilmy, Ruth Sitepu, Raymond Koh and Amri Che Mat can finally see justice being done.
1. Put the issues of ketuanan Melayu and ketuanan Islam into the forefront of public consciousness and discourse. There should be no sector that should be regarded as taboo or improper in raising questions, including the operations and conduct of the civil service and judiciary.
2. The public needs to be encouraged to be proactive and openly challenge the culture of racism and anti-democratic encroachment and discuss how best they can fight it within their own sector. Increasingly the decisive battle field is in the social media
3. There are at least five important groups of voices that can shine their own light on the ethnocratic and deep state and associated racism issue and provide feedback on how to combat it. These are:
‧ The religious institutions by raising the consciousness of their constituencies in rejecting racism
‧ The academic community through the expose of policies, practices, laws and institutional structures that create or perpetuate the ethnocratic state
‧ The print and internet media through fearless news coverage and independent analysis
‧ The think-tanks in identifying ethno-populist and ethno-supremacist ideologies and ideologues and rebutting their interpretation of policies
‧ Civil society organisations through rejection of race related policies and programmes and by propagating a multi-racially inclusive society
4. Before the next GE, concerned public members should pressure the nation’s political parties to declare their stand on ketuanan Melayu and ketuanan Islam. There should be a demand for parties to work into their party manifestos their party position on institutionalised racism and religious supremacy as well as their plan on how these can be countered. Bread and butter and economic issues are foremost in the electorate minds but the welfare and well being of Malaysians are also directly linked to non-economic issues and developments.
Light at the End of the Tunnel
Ultimately the fight against the deep state, ethnocratic state and associated Islamic state will have to go hand in hand if a multi racial, multi religious inclusive nation; the rule of law; and democratic norms are to survive.
Clearly our future rests on the young generation. But this assumes that this younger generation can break free from the deception, falsehoods and political chicanery and opportunism that has been their heritage; and continues largely unchecked.
This is why the laudable efforts of the Teoh Beng Hock Trust for Democracy together with organisations engaged in seeking the truth of Joshua Hilmy, Ruth Sitepu, Raymond Koh and Amri Che Mat ‘disappearances’, and others seeking to overturn oppression and injustice in Malaysia can make a difference. These efforts must never stop.
